BY: HAQAN TURKEL

Abstract

This article examines the historical foundations of opposition among Azerbaijani Turks to the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. Drawing on collective memory, historical events, and political transformations from the early twentieth century onward, it argues that resistance to Pahlavi rule is rooted not in ideology alone, but in experiences of mass violence, famine, cultural repression, and the dismantling of federal and confederal governance structures. The article further contends that contemporary rejection of monarchical restoration reflects a long-standing commitment to modernity, political agency, and national self-determination.

Introduction

A recurring question in contemporary political discourse asks why certain Azerbaijani intellectuals and activists oppose the Pahlavi dynasty, often framed as a “secular” alternative to the Islamic Republic. This question, however, overlooks the historical experiences of Azerbaijani Turks during the rise and consolidation of Pahlavi power. For many, opposition to the Pahlavi legacy is inseparable from a century of political violence, socio-economic devastation, and systematic cultural suppression.

1. Political Violence and Collective Trauma (1905–1936)

Between 1905 and 1936, Reza Khan Mirpanj—later Reza Shah Pahlavi—played a decisive role in the violent suppression of Iran’s Constitutional Movement. Prominent Azerbaijani leaders such as Sattar Khan and Bagher Khan, alongside tens of thousands of Constitutionalists, Azadistan democrats, followers of Sheikh Mohammad Khiabani, Qashqai Turks, and Turkmens, were executed or killed during this period. These events established a legacy of bloodshed that continues to shape Azerbaijani collective memory and political attitudes toward the Pahlavi dynasty.

Historaical photos of the Great Famine

2. The Siege of Southern Azerbaijan and the Great Famine

Reza Khan imposed total military sieges on Southern Azerbaijan on two occasions—one lasting eleven months and another six months. These sieges involved the confiscation of livestock, destruction of food reserves, and burning of grain and flour warehouses. The resulting famine caused catastrophic loss of life. According to Professor Mohammad Gholi Majd, in The Great Famine and Genocide in Iran (also discussed in later works on British influence and Reza Shah), between six and ten million people perished. Within Azerbaijani narratives, this famine is understood as a form of mass atrocity that enabled British-backed consolidation of Pahlavi power and the overthrow of the Qajar state.

3. The Overthrow of Federal Governance and Cultural Suppression

The Pahlavi coup ended approximately 1,000 years of Turkic political dominance in Turan and Iran. Reza Shah dismantled the Qajar-era federal and confederal structures, replacing them with a highly centralized, unitary state grounded in Persian-centric and Aryanist ultra racism. The Federal National Parliament of Azerbaijan was dissolved, local self-governance abolished, and national institutions dismantled. Turkic-language education was banned, schools were closed, and both language and cultural expression were criminalized as part of a broader assimilationist project.

4. Repression under Mohammad Reza Shah (1946–1947)

Following the fall of the Azerbaijan People’s Government in 1946, Mohammad Reza Shah intensified state repression. Key figures such as Seyyed Ja’far Pishevari and Fereydun Ebrahimi were executed, approximately 30,000 Azerbaijani Turks were killed, and an estimated 100,000 intellectuals and activists were forced into exile. Book burnings, language bans, and systematic efforts to erase Azerbaijani cultural life accompanied this campaign, reinforcing perceptions of the Pahlavi state as fundamentally hostile to Azerbaijani identity.

5. Modernity, Nationhood, and Rejection of Monarchy

Azerbaijani Turks have historically viewed themselves as a modern and politically conscious society. As early as 1905, they rejected feudal subjecthood and sought national recognition and political participation. From this perspective, contemporary calls to restore monarchy are not seen as progressive or secular alternatives, but as a regression to feudal, hierarchical systems of rule incompatible with twenty-first-century democratic and national aspirations.

Conclusion

Opposition to the Pahlavi dynasty among Azerbaijani Turks is grounded in historical experience and ideological abstraction. Mass violence, famine, political repression, and cultural erasure form the core of a collective memory that continues to inform present-day political positions. Understanding this opposition requires acknowledging the depth of historical trauma and the enduring demand for self-determination, cultural rights, and modern political agency.